
I won't be posting anything during the Christmas break. I'll be posting again during the second week of January when classes resume.
Remarks and observations concerning American law and cultural studies as it relates to courses taken by students in the University of Osnabrück's and University of Münster's foreign law programs.
Another gem from wikiHow, this time a quick refresher on using English punctuation properly. Knowing when to use a period (or as the British say "full stop") or question mark is easy. But how about using a semi-colon, colon, or dash? Or the dreaded and often overused comma? This short refresher should help you with some common usage problems; so common that most native speakers could use a refresher or two every-so-often.
Japan is one of those mixed systems that uses a bit of common law, although it is modeled after the European civil system. Its criminal justice system is undergoing big changes that seek to introduce something that is uniquely common law: juries. Hailed as the "most significant change in its criminal justice system since the postwar American occupation," Japan will begin using juries in criminal trials sometime in 2009. But here's the catch. Traditionally, the Japanese are reluctant to express opinions in public, to argue with one another or to question authority. In short, many Japanese are dreading the idea of serving on a jury. The International Herald Tribune has more on this interesting experiment.

Students of American Constitutional Law learn that the U.S. President has the power to appoint the government's chief law enforcement officer, the Attorney General. Students also know that while the President has the power to appoint, he must also receive the consent of the United States Senate. This nomination process has been playing itself out in Washington D.C. over the past few weeks with President Bush's nominee for Attorney General, former federal judge Michael Mukasey (link to Spiegel article in German), appearing several times before a committee of Senators who are responsible for determining whether the nominee is "qualified." If you have been following this process, which is somewhat unlikely because the German media has not been following it, the central question concerning whether Judge Mukasey should be approved as the new AG is whether he believes something called waterboarding is torture. Seems odd that the process should boil down to this one question, and even odder that Judge Mukasey refuses to give his position on it. So what is waterboarding, you might ask? There was a great piece posted yesterday on the Foreign Policy Magazine blog quoting a person who is very familiar with how the waterboarding technique works. Follow the link below and judge for yourself whether this technique is torture and then ask yourself, why won't Judge Mukasey simply tell the Senators that this technique is indeed torture.In a speech to the Canadian Bar Association yesterday, the country's top judge declared access to justice "a basic right" for Canadians, like education or health care. Although [Chief Justice Beverely] McLachlin has spoken out about the problem in the past, she sharpened her remarks yesterday and went further than she has before, citing what she described as an "increasingly urgent situation." The justice system risks losing the confidence of the public when "wealthy corporations," or the poor, who qualify for legal aid, have the means to use the court system, she said, noting that for "middle-class" Canadians, resolving a legal problem of any significance often requires taking out a second mortgage or draining their life savings.Others have argued that the problem is "money grubbing" lawyers who are charging excessive fees and lack principles.
American Constitutional Law students learn that symbols are also considered speech that is protected by the Constitution's First Amendment. But one must be careful when dealing with symbols, as a biker club in California recently found out. For symbols to be speech they must communicate a reasonably understandable message. What does this mean exactly? Well for starters the person wearing the symbol must intend the symbol to express a thought or idea. Second, a reasonable person must be able to at least remotely understand the message being expressed.
In our Constitutional Law class we will soon be discussing the religion clauses of the First Amendment. One of the more controversial interpretations of the First Amendment's Establishment Clause is that government and religion should be separate, or as Thomas Jefferson wrote, there should be "a wall separating church and state." The are many arguments in support of this interpretation of the Establishment Clause, but the one that is most convincing to me is that we should not allow government and religion to mix because America is a religiously diverse country and some religions will be given an advantage over others. For instance, if we allow prayer in public school, whose prayer should we allow? Christian? Jewish? Muslim? Hindu? If we simply allow the majority to decide then surely those practicing a minority religion will feel left out.Ronald Grunstein, a professor in Sydney, Australia, specializing in human sleep physiology, investigated 15 cases of “judicial sleepiness” around the world. His conclusion: Judges should be more actively monitored for falling asleep on the bench, a problem that could have consequences in the courtroom. The study is included in the current issue of Sleep, the official journal of the Associated Professional Sleep Societies. Here’s the 26-page study.

This week we will be discussing the President's power of Commander-in-Chief in our Constitutional Law classes, although it should have been already clear after our discussion of Congress's war power that the President is indeed the commander of the armed forces. Apparently, President Bush feels that Commander-in-Chief is too formal a title for an "average Joe" like him.“The question is, ‘Who ought to make that decision, the Congress or the commanders?,’’ Mr. Bush said. “As you know, my position is clear – I’m the commander guy.”That's right, the Constitution might say that Bush is the Commander-in-Chief, but in his mind he is simply "the commander guy."
In addition, in any constitutional democracy government measures against terrorism and suspects of terrorism ought to be subject to review by an independent and neutral institution just as in non-exceptional cases. When civil liberties are concerned, the appropriate institution is the judiciary. Governments tend to invoke the grand values when it comes to fighting terrorism, and they paint gloomy pictures in order to justify extraordinary means. Courts operate from a certain distance, do not have to look to the next election, and can employ a more sober view. There is no good reason to exempt anti-terror measures from judicial scrutiny. In delicate cases in-camera procedures are better than no judicial control at all.
In last week's Constitutional Law classes I put forth the idea that of the Houses of Congress (Legislative Branch), the Senate is the far more deliberative body. In support of this I explained how Senators serve six year terms, which means they are a bit less influenced by public opinion and more willing to look closely at issues. More importantly, though, is the filibuster power. It takes only 41 senators to stop debate on a bill. 41 you may ask. Well, as I explained last week it takes 60 senators to terminate the filibuster power being used on a piece of legislation. A recent debate in the United States Senate over prescription drug prices nicely illustrates how this power works. Follow the link below to an Associated Press article describing this debate and see if you can understand exactly what happened, and more importantly why a minority of Senators was able to stop the bill in question from being voted on by the full Senate.

if Canadian judges felt compelled to impose popular verdicts and sentences to ensure their re-election, “it could really destroy the very best traditions of an independent judiciary. I think it would be a tragic initiative for the administration of justice.”The Chief Justice also cautioned that money needed to run judicial campaigns could lead to abuse.
The answer seems to be yes, at least for one high ranking U.S. Department of Defense official. Jurist Legal News and Research (operated by the University of Pittsburgh) has a great summary of how US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Detainee Affairs Charles "Cully" Stimson believes that some of the nation's top law firms are acting against the country's interest.In an on Federal News Radio Thursday on the fifth anniversary of the US military prison, Stimson predicted that "when corporate CEOs see that those firms are representing the very terrorists who hit their bottom line in 2001 those CEO's are going to make those law firms choose between representing terrorists or representing reputable firms." The former Navy lawyer said "It's shocking...The major law firms in this country...are out there representing detainees."Advocates for such things as the Rule of Law and fairness immediately criticized Stimson. As the current American Bar Association President rightfully said,
Lawyers represent people in criminal cases to fulfill a core American value: the treatment of all people equally before the law. To impugn those who are doing this critical work -- and doing it on a volunteer basis -- is deeply offensive to members of the legal profession, and we hope to all Americans. The American Bar Association supports lawyers who give of their time and expertise defending those involved in legal actions. In fact it is one of the basic tenets of the Association's Second Season of Service, that lawyers should perform pro bono and volunteer work.A Defense Department spokesperson quickly backed away from Stimson's comments saying they did not reflect the official view of the Department. Let's hope so. Stimson himself eventually tried to reverse himself using the age-old excuse "my comments were taken out of context." Right.
It appears that legal trends in the United States, at least those involving the Supreme Court, have a tendency to migrate north. Last year there was concern that the appointment of justices to the Canadian Supreme Court was becoming too political, just like the American process for filling court vacancies. Now comes word that Canada's highest court's caseload has been dwindling over the past several years, just like the caseload of the U.S. Supreme Court. The Toronto Globe and Mail reports:A steady drop in the number of judgments produced by the Supreme Court of Canada hit a striking new low in 2006, with the court rendering just 59 decisions. Statistics compiled by The Globe and Mail show a total that is dramatically lower than years such as 1990, when the court rendered 144 rulings, and 1993, when it handed down 138 rulings.This decrease looks remarkably similar to what is taking place in the U.S. As the New York Times reported last month:
The number of cases the court decided with signed opinions last term, 69, was the lowest since 1953 and fewer than half the number the court was deciding as recently as the mid-1980s.